Chapter 4: The war on totality: subjectivity, total refusal and
social composition
May 1968 and the creation of a creation
Much of the literature on
‘Post-modernism’ connects its genesis with the post-war western generation’s
experience centred around the events of 1968. However these event are often
treated as a purely reactive moments of struggle against the entrenchment of
modernism and its hierarchies in western social, political and cultural
institutions.[425] Often the
association made between post-modernism and this ‘cultural turn’ has been seen
to marginalise the political dimensions of the events.
“When the central
idea of French May – the union of intellectual contestation and workers’
struggle – is forgotten, what remains is merely the prefiguration of an
‘emancipatory’ counterculture, a metaphysics of desire and liberation.”[426]
Whilst the focus on 1968 as a
political event is tremendously important, the trouble with this conception is
that it sees desire and liberation as something lying outside of the classical
workers struggle. It may be the case that the true power of the events
themselves were the result of the intervention of the traditional working
class, and this is a useful counter to the notion that they amounted to merely
student frivolity or even in the words of Régis Debray “the cradle of a new bourgeois
society.” But Ross’s claim fails to acknowledge the new social form of the
general revolt of the producer involving the young and marginalised who are
part of the reserve army of labour, but did not occupy any privileged position
in the labour aristocracy and whose labour was characterised by low pay and
insecurity. The rhetoric of the Enragés movement, closely connected to the
International Situationists, provided a language whereby those disgruntled and
disaffected by the developing consumer culture could find voice. A parallel
development that is equally lost by a political view that only looks at the
revolt of the traditional working class is that of the reformation of class
composition in the face of new forms of non-material production which placed
youth and the marginalised in a stronger social position from which to generate
political change. [427]
The precariousness of this
new working class, many of whom had become students in order to get grants to
pursue other aims is an indication of the emergence of the diffuse social
labourer so important to the productivist explanation of the post-modern
condition that will be seen in Negri’s theory. Suffice to say that what
registered the difference of the events of May 1968 was a new form of
generalised protest against society which was not reducible to the struggle
over the wage, but broadened to a more total struggle over the nature of
contemporary social life. This is not to claim that there are no class
precedents in the burgeoning workers struggle. In fact as Steve Wright has
shown in the case of Italy, there was a strong link between the collaboration
of the intellectual, the worker and the student within the factory. As such
there was what could be called a new political economy of labour developing, in
the work of Quaderni Rossi for
instance that represented an attempt at creating a, ‘sociology of labour and
industry that [was] not at the service of technological development but rather
of workers’ struggle…’[428]
This sociological admixture of experience and theory termed ‘inchiesta
operaia’, carried out by people like Romano Alquati and Gianfranco Faina, is an
important origin of the autonomist tradition and its meeting with aleatory
materialism in the work of Negri. It comprised of many different elements,
including a renewed focus on the role of women, but also involved a predictive
type of social analysis that could estimate when and where the struggles would
emerge and what cycle they follow. It was in this meeting of empirical social
research and oral history with a renewed interrogation of the Marxist tradition
that led to the restatement of the priority of productive power in generating
capitalist crisis. In these terms it makes sense to say that,
“The year 1968
also marks a watershed in the history of the international discipline of
political sociology: the violent eruption of the new forces did not only
challenge the models and the theories of the fifties and the early sixties, but
also forced a revaluation of data-gathering techniques and analysis
strategies.” [429]
It needs to be added that the
enduring effect of 1968 lies in the beginnings of a democratisation of the institutions
of knowledge production and the proliferation of different spaces where such
knowledge was produced. This is one of the most important practical reasons for
breakdown of theoretical systems of totality. Indeed Foucault has claimed that
May 1968 represented a revolt against a certain prohibition on learning, such
that it was an intellectual revolution too that involved bringing into the
university the consideration of everyday life.[430]
May 1968 also allowed for, or witnessed, the proliferation of a different
rhetoric of emancipation that more directly broke with the labour movement. May
’68 is an ideal rupture, it is a break with the past, but the new is not yet
defined. For instance in the case of France there were very few specifically
feminist themes in the various protests, although feminists now look back to
’68 as the beginnings of their social movement. Indeed Simone De Beauvoir’s
books were unpopular in France; it was only after 1968 when they became popular
in America that there was any domestic acceptance.[431]
In the intellectual and political break with Marxisms, new articulations of the
totality were created that did not take their universalism from class. Feminism
represents the most prominent modern to post-modern social movement of separation
from this discourse. Although the beginnings of the ‘second wave’ for a while
toyed with the possibility of linking in a unitary synthetic struggle with the
labour movement it was not to be. Despite this, these cases represent the
separation of Marxist discourse from its position within the working class and
the proliferation of its appearance in different modes of political critique.
The Situationists are perhaps
the most controversial legacy of 1968 and the most consistent protest against
the totality of social life and the separations that it creates. Although there
was some precedent for the critique of separation in the more conventional
Leninist interventions in the events, such as the opposition to the separation
of the political from the social in the politics of the French Communist Party as
criticised expressly by Andre Glucksman,[432]
the Situationists, emboldened by the tradition of total refusal in Dada and
Surrealism, produced a more embracing and new critique of the banal
spectacularisation of divided modern life. Following a theme of their more
moderate cousin, Henri Lefebvre, the SI, so influential over ’68, believed that
the authentic revolution denied any possibility of a separated activity, as
Vaneigem opined, ‘anything separate from the realisation of everyday life
rejoins the spectacle.’[433]
In their critique of the totality, the Situationists reinvented the humanist
dimensions of Lukácsian Marxism in order to liberate the creative potential of
a politics that was about the discovery of authentic life.
The Situationists on totality and separation
One of Debord’s films was
called A Critique of Separation in
which he claims, “The only adventure, we said, is to contest the totality,
whose centre is this way of living, where we can test our strength but never
use it.” He then goes on to say that in our failure to dominate our environment
collectively, the individual is impossible and further that,
“as long as we
are unable to make our own history, to freely create situations, striving
toward unity will introduce other separations. The quest for a central activity
leads to the formation of new specializations.”
This is a claim for the
emancipation of the individual through the collective. What influenced Debord
to theorise the critique of separation in The Society of the Spectacle has a definite continuity with earlier
Surrealist themes of trying to discover the unity of experience.[434]
But this unity of experience is intrinsically connected with a romantic longing
for authenticity that is mediated by the totality. This theme continues
throughout Surrealist and Situationist critiques of separation and critiques of
alienation from other humanist and Hegelian Marxist quarters. There is often a
strong underlying normative and highly metaphysical aspiration for the
re-unification of being and consciousness at work in them that does not
actually account to the 'everyday' except to highlight within it an absence.
These ideas of authentic being, human realisation, and the rational follow
highly abstract, utopian and subjective norms. This comes from the luxury of
total negativity that allows for constant generation of critique but only works
by raising the real to the level of the ideal.
Bataille’s linking of moments
of excess with an immanent moment of un-knowing in collective inner experience
offers a pressing criticism here. Although seemingly orientated to the same
horizon, the ceaseless labour of the negative denies the synthetic moment.[435]
Whereas for Debord the response to separation remained one of unity and
required a centralized political activity, in Bataille it meets with further
abandonment, disintegration and loss, where ultimately the discontinuity of
life disbands into death. Debord is for all intents and purposes a modernist
and earlier in the text he speaks of his epoch as having both a pretension to
be being rational and being governed by change. However, in the historical
context of post-war economic prosperity, full employment and reconstruction,
Debord and Vaneigem shifted the emphasis of the critique of capitalism from the
perspective of needs to that of desire, and especially for Vaneigem, pleasure.
This shares the normative need for belonging but goes on in the context of the
loss of cohesion of the practical political organization around class. By
focusing on how capitalism could not realize desires their project became one
of critiquing the banality of spectacular separated existence, a critique that
had a widespread social impact, perhaps most notably in the form of the
pamphlet, the Poverty of Student Life so
influential to the ideas expressed in 1968, but also in other popular writings
by Vaneigem. Faced with the banality
of modern existence, which appeared to form a total domination, the
Situationists claimed we were faced with single choice between suicide and
revolution, and they had found the way to say yes to life.[436]
The Situationist critique
however, made important ideological advances over the increasingly recuperated
institutional forms of Marxism. The situation was a creative and utopian
exercise in what Negri studies as constituent power. No longer however is the
constituent political power of the majority limited to the control over the
productive forces,[437]
the creation of situations exhibited the desire for the immeasurable and in so
doing anticipates a strong element of the post-modern critique of capitalism.
As Vaneigem wrote in the Book of Pleasures, “Put a price on something
and you kill it”.[438]
Love was one of the answers to the tedium of the measurable universe of commodity
exchange:
“Measureless,
priceless, peerless is its intensity; and brimming with love those whose
infinite thirst for pleasure can never be satisfied”.[439]
Although of separate
generations and for different reasons, the writings of two prominent Hegelian
Marxists, Lukács and Guy Debord, are permeated with a similar foreboding sense
of loss, of dissolution and of fragmented existence. Although the theme of
alienation predominates in much of the writing of Debord and Vaneigem, the work
of the latter is less tied to a Hegelian mode of expression and attempts to
give far more of a positive representation of desire and pleasure than can be
seen in the writings of Debord. For Vaneigem latter ‘bureaucratic capitalism’
is the tangible reality of alienation, where the satisfaction of material needs
has been accompanied by mediocrity, pointless and banal lives.[440]
In his article Basic Banalities: the
totality for kids he defines the SI as the ‘end of humanity’s term of
social alienation.’[441]
What he means by social alienation is the system of exclusions and of private
appropriation that have defined the development of society in its struggle over
nature and over this general canvas reasserts the critique of private
appropriation wherein owners maintain their property by the appropriation of
the production of non-owners forced to mediate their own survival through the
property relation and which has the result of excluding one from being a ‘real person.’[442]
The critique of separation is
itself inseparable from a normative totality, an authentic completeness. However
with the Situationists this is less of a restoration of lost unity and
more about the creation of situations. Here one practice developed was that of détournement,
which directly involved the subversive distortion of the
estranged and alienated spectacular totality. This was very much interconnected
with its own demise. Indeed, the publication that he book, that announced the
end of the SI opened with the following thesis: “The Situationist International
emerged in a moment of world history as the thought of the collapse of a world,
a collapse which has now begun before our eyes.”[443]
But the demise of the SI was noted too,
“…The uncompromising critique of everything
that exists had come to be positively acknowledged by an ever expanding
constituency of losers who had themselves begun to evince revolutionary
sympathies.”
This spirit of critique that
echoes Marx’s own chosen dictum ‘question everything’ appears to ruin itself,
and yet this is perhaps symptomatic of the very uniqueness of the Situationist
project. In the introduction to Debord’s film, A Critique of Separation, he says it concerns the particular social
experience of a generation born into the spectacle, the boredom of their
individual existence; of missed opportunities, wasted time, erasure of their
memory and unconscious desires awakened only briefly in dreams.[444]
But perhaps more importantly the particular social composition of the
Situationists, so erroneously dubbed student pranksters and dismissed,[445]
were of the nature that the regime of command they responded to would not be
singular but diffuse. That is to say that they had each a different axe to
grind and the system, the target of the common practice, the agent of the
common repression, could not be conceived in a centred way, it was equally
diffuse.[446] Yet in
these circumstances too, the centrist Leninist model of organisation became
notoriously counterproductive (by most accounts) to the overall success of the
project and it has also been suggested that after reading the renaissance
authors Castiglione and Gracian in Florence, the main beneficiary of such a
model, the Machiavellian Debord, developed an interest in more individualistic
forms of conduct away from society as a coherent whole.[447]
Debord retained however a strong antipathy to the New Left, so much so that it
could be argued that the post- 1968 climes could be seen as a degeneration, an
opportunity lost.
In one sense it could be
argued that Debord sought to accelerate the process of cultural decomposition.[448]
This had already been begun by Lettrism, a movement which, like
Ungaretti’s ‘Ermetismo’ sought to further the crisis of representation.
Ungaretti called the coming apocalypse of the Second World War a “mad
disintegration of words.” [449]
The leader of Lettrists were Isidore Isou and Gabriel Pomerand, for whom the
development of poetry meant the deconstruction of words to constituent parts,
to ‘break a branch and make a tree of it’. Clearly these works of the inter-war
period anticipate the 60’s deconstruction of the enlightenment. The same
creativity and human urge existed in the views of the Situationists, for whom
the Lettrists had failed to distance themselves from art as bourgeois medium.[450]
Although the response to
capitalism is seen in the need for authentic creation Situationism is still
ensconced in negativity which can be seen in their practices of derive and détournement that presuppose an existing
organised system of representation. The criticisms that have been made of
Hegelianism so far can be applied to Situationism
for Hegelian Marxism and for its uncritical attempt to create through
situations an authentic experience, modelled on the projection of the sovereign
totality of the self. In fact their form of the dialectics of interiority are
questionable in respect to the external influences that create the drive to
autonomy. That the situationist critique becomes popular (especially in
America) alongside the rise in mass consumerism and the proliferation of the
whole psychoanalytical scene, with its management techniques of self- help and
spiritual experience of the discovery of identity must be contrasted with its
force of refusal, its arrogance and irreverence for authority, its
anti-systemic anti state politics, its strangely hierarchical and cult of the
leader type of political organisation that followed Breton’s role in
surrealism, the elitism and obscurity of its cultural expressions and
furthermore the decentred, peripheral nature of the subjectivities involved:
made up of the marginal and excluded. The wider societal impact of situationism
amongst working class youth in England and autonomist circles in Italy, in
extension to the events in Strasbourg and Paris lay in the renewed belief in
active constitutive practice but not necessarily to the demise of spectacular
society.
Feminism
and the demise of totality
In feminism the fate of the
notion of totality goes through an accelerated demise; post-modernism is
increasingly embraced by feminism within 20 years of its coming on to the scene
as a powerful anti-systemic social movement. We can witness a quick
decomposition of the original unity of the category of woman and the
solidarities associated with it, which encourages the development of a strong
epistemological scepticism to simple identity. The following quote is typical
of the epistemological problematics of contemporary feminism vis-à-vis the
totality. It is also indicative of these positions that they are part of a
‘soft’ post-modern approach to narratives and to systems as necessarily
suppressive of difference.
“We cannot
simultaneously claim that the mind, the self, and knowledge are socially
constituted…and that feminist theory can uncover the truth of the whole….such
an absolute truth…would require the existence of an Archimedes point beyond our
embeddedness in it from which we could see (and represent) the whole.”[451]
What is crucial about the
relation of feminism to postmodernism and totality is the manner in which it
has come to fuel challenges to the apparent objectivity and neutrality of a
discourse and shows that a theoretical orientation can be a power relation. But
it has done this by drawing an identity between what in class terms were
perceived as opposing camps. The idea of male power and the totality of
patriarchy subsume an apparent difference in power relations into a fundamental
unity. In this sense it creates a new focus for practices of social liberation
based upon differentiation, dissolution of old ties, of escape and therefore of
reconstitution that breaks up the sovereign totality. What is called second
wave feminism, as the various attempts at the union of its projects with
Marxism attests to, is that it was not hostile to totality as such but to its
current manifestation.
To commence with, in the
1960s, feminist thinkers turned to Marxism for a model of social emancipation.
There was seen to be much that feminism and Marxism shared, both being attempts
to critique society on the basis of an inequality within it, and they shared
the character of a movement that saw itself as both theoretical and practical.
For a while socialist feminism held sway with writers like Mitchell arguing
that women need to ‘ask feminist questions, but try and come up with some
Marxist answers’ and in so doing employing categories from the sociological
arsenal of work, the family and class. However when socialist feminists began
to investigate Marx’s work from the perspective of women, they discovered that
the treatment of their issues was at best “scattered, scanty and unsatisfactory.”[452]
Moreover rather than
explaining the sexual division of labour, it appeared that the central
distinction between productive and unproductive work that Marx employed
consigned women to a subordinate role. Moreover, Marx seemed to ‘assume the
presence of a housewife’[453]
in the reproduction of the worker which remained uncomplicated and
un-theorised, and lay outside of the social explanation of capitalism.[454]
This led Barrett, an erstwhile supporter of the congruity between Feminism and
Marxism, to ‘locate Feminism even more firmly within a liberal humanist
tradition.’[455]
The
reasons why Marx did not theorise women can be drawn out of the preceding
analysis. Marx was performing an
immanent critique of political economy rather than a positive theory and in so
doing drew much on the existing conceptualisations of political economy from
which the consideration of women as a special subject was equally absent.
Moreover the reduction of concrete labours to abstract labour, was premised on
a general reduction brought about by factory form of labour, a process of
creating the proletariat that in fact saw a tendency towards the inclusion of
women (and children) rather than excluding them from the direct process of
production. Thus politically speaking it could be said that Marx did not
theorise the case of women and feminist issues because he does not conceive of
women as a class in and of themselves or indeed that he does not partake in an
ideological separation of women from men, although he recognises the practical
forms of their separation. Secondly, adopting the polarity between men and
women would render the generative expository speculative power of the text
through the contradiction between capital and labour utterly nugatory. This is
to say that there were in fact two types of division of labour or it would
divide the ontologically valid abstraction of the general social form of
labour. Thirdly although he does
theorise the social force of work that the majority of women did, Marx treats the economic relation as
a political relation of force between equal owners of commodities.
In
the case of women however, as Fortunati has made clear, they are not owners of
their labour power and because they did not share the same formal political
rights as men, this would complicate an analysis that Marx is attempting to
reduce to analysable social forms. Another reason is that his conception of
capitalism as forced socialisation of the workforce pointed toward the collapse
of the differential treatment existing in previous divisions of labour,
although this is counteracted by the opinion that reproductive work was lacking
in any features distinctive to capitalism, hence generally its consignment to a
‘natural‘ realm. Finally, implicit within this latter is that the concentration
on only productive work in the consideration of value, even though
‘reproductive work’ creates the conditions for revalorisation of capital, the
reverse is not true, supposedly the productive worker rather than capital
creates the fund for the reproduction of labour power. Lacking a direct
determination in relation to capital the question of the sexual division of
labour cannot, or cannot yet be theorised.
The problem of social
reproduction that is sidelined in Marx to a natural realm was in the Autonomist
tradition reinvestigated as the arcane form of the unwritten productive power
of women broadly neglected by social analysis. Marx had omitted ‘half a
totality’ and his theories were seen as complicit in the exclusionary logic of
a male point of view.[456]
This led many feminists to conclude that gender inequality could not be
explained through capitalism alone.[457]
Nevertheless, this did not stop feminists like Dalla Costa from attempting to
integrate domestic labour into the analytics of surplus value production
wherein the argument runs that through the sustenance of workers and future
workers, domestic labour contributes to the exchange value of the commodity
thus allowing it to be said that women are exploited alongside the working
class. Feminists like West, Dalla Costa and Vogel felt that by this strategy
the struggle of women could be integrated in class politics. Despite these
attempts the marriage between Marxism and feminism as Harstock called it,
turned out to be an unhappy one, and analysis of productive relations was
generally felt to be inadequate to explaining the oppression of women.
The difference between the
analysis of class and the analysis of women is that in the case of the former
the content of the category is social whereas in the case of women this is not
so easy to sustain. Increasingly disaffected with the subordinate role women
had in official working class movements and their theory, feminism began to
witness an upsurge in forms of essentialist thinking about women and what united
them.[458] One of the
assumptions of early second wave feminism was that women either shared a set of
positive qualities or a social experience from which their potential solidarity
could be built. Criticising these biological and socially constructed notions of
woman, Judith Grant argues that feminist theory is ‘multi-centred and
indefinable’.[459] And yet
the prioritisation of certain feminine qualities became a catalyst for the
breakdown of single and unitary modes of struggle. By the 1980s this amounted
to a powerful critique of working class strategy from Unions to Leninism. In
the view of Sheila Rowbottom the vanguard party, in its resistance to
centralised organisation, limits self- organisation and development of most of
its members. She argued that “the woman’s movement has broken the circle of the
concept of the vanguard Party by questioning the criteria used in assessing the
meaning of ‘advance’ and ‘backward’ and arguing that this assessment is not a
neutral and objective process but matter of subjective control.”[460]
Leninism typified a centralised model of organisation that was intrinsically
disposed to name and impose categories over heterogeneity.
The concept of patriarchy as
a total system replicated some of the features of earlier totalising critiques
of social life. Even if for the likes of radical feminists like Catherine McKinnon
sex was to women what work was to Marxism, the system was only ‘total’ from the
standpoint of women, and moreover, because the object of critique became male
power itself, the form of the totality was diffuse and lacked a centre.
Moreover, given the seemingly timeless nature of women’s subordination, the
notion of a historically specific social cause to women’s oppression connected
to capitalism became impossible to sustain, and large divisions have opened up
in feminist thought on how the two totalities of capitalism and patriarchy
could exist side by side.[461]
The theoretical incongruities accelerated the passage to post-modern approaches
to knowledge. As Iris Young argues, the very ‘desire for unity or wholeness in
discourse generates borders, dichotomies and exclusions.’[462]
This induced a challenge to the whole manner of perceiving subjectivity where in
some versions it became quickly understood that ‘a concept of a coherent inner-self,
achieved (cultural) or innate (biological), is a regulatory fiction that is
unnecessary.”[463]
But what made this transition
so intensive (and so characteristic of the decomposition of simple identity)
was the veracity and communicability of its politics. This intensity is reflected in the deconstruction of the category
of ‘we’ and the various attempts to construe a working politics of difference
from the many ‘feminisms.’[464]
That the predominant theoretical discourse of feminism (at least in academia)
should become post-modern then, whilst equally concerned with the ontological
status of women as a category and as a political subject, is not altogether
surprising when the initial premise of the social subjectivity was a
universality that formed a totality based on a common identity and a common
project of liberation. The assumption of oppression grounds this commonality of
women through negative identity, which as a conclusion sits uncomfortably with
the paradigm of power, it appears to give over to it the very definition of
what is common. This is expressed perfectly in an exchange between the radical
feminist Catherine Mackinnon and Gilligan reported by Benhabib.[465]
Gilligan wants an
essentialist account of woman that can be a positive foundation for subjectivity
outside the imposition of simple identity. Mackinnon sees the only possibility
for subjectivity in making explicit the mechanism of subjectification – the
subject of resistance is equally the subject of oppression. In Mackinnon’s
account there is an identity between the process of power and the process of
subjectivation – this needs to be retained. For Gilligan the non- identity
needs to be asserted. However, both struggle for an immanent basis to identity/
being for itself – expressive totality.
The insights and work
of feminist theory over the last forty years has had another effect. It has put
on the map another type of work relation under capitalism that some
postmodernists see as becoming particularly characteristic of the contemporary
developed western societies. That women’s work was directly concerned with
care, reproduction and affect and thus had no working separation between the
public and private, and was a 24 hour job so to speak, it becomes a model of
the paradigm of the increasingly prevalent capitalist form of labour governing
immaterial work. In the work of Judith Revel which rubs shoulders with Negri,
labour, like politics, goes through a process of becoming woman, a Deleuzian
feminisation.
The return to production
Negri's thought is a
non-transcendental post-modern Marxism. The guiding principle in much of his
writings is the insistence on the role of constituent power in any politics of
the prevailing social mode of production. Negri theorises power from 'below',
his politics always attuned to understanding the shifts in established power as
the result of the creative, generative and constitutive power of people
themselves. One of Negri's strengths lies in his focus on the social form and
relations of production whilst at the same time registering alternative modes
of perceiving these relations - outside the canonical Hegelian Marxism frame to
which they have been sutured. Negri’s contribution to the understanding of
Spinoza and in turn his critique of Marx has important implications for our
understanding of dialectical theory and his proposals for an immanent ontology
of power. Taking from Spinoza the notion of totality as an immanent cause with
no outside and critically from Marx’s Grundrisse
the dynamic role of the class activity in shaping the development of the
productive forces, Negri’s interventions have always been directed to the here
and now. Anathema to this philosophy is any politics of separation that seeks
to divorce the power of constitutive activity from its effects in this or that
state or economic policy.
If Negri's work shares deep
affinities and was a part of the theoretical revolutions in French thought in
the 60s and 70s, he has tended to avoid the scepticism about social change that
characterises so many readings of post-modern theory.[466]
Post-modernism, now universalised as definition of every theory that registers
a new periodisation of economic and political realities is appropriated by
Negri to describe the new conditions of possibility for social emancipation.
Although drawing on the anti-representationalism within critiques of
hierarchical teleological totalities, this version of postmodernism has little
to do with the question of aesthetics and the avant-garde.[467]
Rather here post-modernism refers to the identification of a new configuration
of the forces and relations of production, a new state of society or its
condition as in the sense used by Harvey[468]
or Jameson. But the body of concepts that Negrian critique perceives as
adequate to this world draw strongly on the themes of what we have called
aleatory materialism, and are expressions of a different re-orientated
understanding of subjectivity that explode dialectical representations of post-modernity
and its ambivalences over the nature of post-modern subjectivity. The strength
of this contribution is that its conception of subjectivity is not undermined
in the face of the globalised and totalised force of the world market, and yet
nor does it succumb to viewing those forces as either inevitable or desirable.
In this conception the becoming total of a system is not seen to destroy
subjectivity, power can not be absolutised once and for all but must be
continually re-enacted in the present in the face of its effects.
Total Subsumption
The interiorisation of the
outside and the absolute domination of capital over all productive forms is
what is understood by ‘total subsumption’, and it is seen by Negri as a
development on Marx’s discussion of formal and real subsumption.[469]
Total subsumption is crucial to Negri’s argument because it combines both of
these approaches: that of a genealogy of the present[470]
and ontology of an immanent materialism expressing the form of power. Even
though we recognise many similarities to other theories of the post-modern,
whose deconstructive practice is itself paradoxically premised on the
assumption of a meta change in the social, we argue that Negri’s approach is
radically different from these, since ‘change’ is understood through the
correct analysis of the processes that preceded and produced it. Rather than
theorising technological developments and innovations as themselves causes of
change, the central dynamic within society - the red thread of Negri’s analysis
- is understood as the developing contradiction and contestation between the
creative activity and strength of people and the responsive mechanisms of
regulation that feed off and limit its power. In contradistinction to both this
technological view of progress and the culture based interpretation of the
postmodern, Negri’s stance never allows the question to ever leave the total
domain of the political.
Total subsumption as the
absolute domination of capital coincides with the interiorisation of the
outside. With nothing outside of capital left for it to colonise, exploitation
and capital’s expansion must assume a new intensive form. The import of total
subsumption is really the end of a dialectic between inside and outside. For
Negri and others who similarly understand modernity as a finished project,
nature and extra-social elements are no longer,
‘Seen
as original and independent of the artifice of the civil order. In a
post-modern world, all phenomena and forces are artificial, or, as some might
say, part of history. The modern dialectic of inside and outside has been replaced
by a play of degrees and intensities, of hybridity and artificiality.’[471]
The reality of this
dialectical impasse is profound in that it provokes a radical reordering of our
understanding of power. The crux of the Negrian idea of total subsumption is
that it is treated politically. It has already been shown in the discussion of
the politics of the law of value how Negri’s treatment of the issue aims to go
beyond the speculative construction of the categories. Indeed, ‘The theory of
value as a theory of categorical synthesis, is a legacy of the classics and of
the bourgeois mystifications which we can easily do without in order to enter
the field of revolution’.[472]
He prefers to draw on the Grundrisse, the
text that makes stand out ‘the primary practical antagonism within whatever
categorical foundation’.[473]
Not only does capital appear
in some Marxisms to be a separate and alien power, it is theorised as such and,
in other apocalyptic Marxisms, has itself replaced class itself as a form of
expressive totality. The logical necessities of an analytical method for the
comprehension of object of capital are transposed into the ideal self -positing
subjectivity of the absolute. This all-embracing interiority is attributed to
the power of capital rather than the substantive activity of human beings and
reflects the apparent impossibility of cognising power outside of adopting its
perspective. In today's times, this power is seen as so powerful and complete
that even the state is impotent to challenge it. It has been argued that
Jameson’s idea of post-modernism enacts exactly this type of totalisation.[474]
Though singing a familiar
tune to Cleaver [475]
and Lebowitz,[476] for Negri,
Das Kapital represents such an
attempt to elucidate the system from above, from the perspective of capital
itself. Counterpoised to this is a political insistence on the necessity of a
view from 'below'.[477]
There is no question about where Negri stands with respect to orthodox schools
of Marxist thought, although at times there are similar concerns. He is
concerned with the social form of value and the form of labour that creates it.
Yet far from fixing the value form to an essence of capital Negri constantly
tries to identify where and why the law of value is in crisis, and the
movements within the relations themselves that determine new configurations of
labour. The object of Negri’s Marxism has not been to hypostasise the law of
value but to continuously deconstruct it, both in theory and practice.[478]
For a number of
post-modernists, this deconstruction has produced or aided a move away from the
consideration of economic conflict over social power. Yet for Negri it is the
reverse, because the law of value is the site of conflict, wherein capital,
through measure, attempts to reduce human beings to homogenous simple labour.
This focus on labour and
sensitivity to its changing forms means that Negri, unlike other post-modern
theorists, does not find himself in the position of having to look outside of
the capital relation for the subject that will have to transcend it. The view
from above, whether the economic objectivism or the idea of total
commodification in the Frankfurt School has the tendency to cancel out
subjectivity from within the capital relation. That Marx himself made this
mistake in Das Kapital - to the point
that Negri can argue Marx’s theory of value was really a theory of the measure
of value - has led Lebowitz and others to accuse Marx of an unhealthy collusion
with the bourgeois categories of political economy.[479]
That both modernists and post-modernists draw apocalyptic conclusions from the
reality of total subsumption makes Negri’s reconsideration of production all
the more welcome. Undeniably capital has power, but in itself the substance of
its power is never anything but the appropriated productive power of people.
For Negri the relentless
expansion of capital since the 1960s - its drive to interiorise its outside -
has an increasing intensity to it.[480]
However, the basis of this expansion is the conflict internal to capital
itself, because the need of capital to colonise the outside is due to the
resistance inside the capital relation to its attempts to reduce the value of
labour. We could say that ‘Empire’, as a world historical actuality, arises
when the consequent drive of capitalist social power to colonise the outside is
complete. This tendency is given by contradictory elements within the capital
relation: the overproduction/ under-consumption problem, namely the tension in
capital wherein the need to de-valorise labour power reduces the market for its
products amongst those consumers internal to its relation (i.e. wage
labourers).[481] This is
not a new problem, in many ways the whole discourse of post-modern Marxism
hangs on this question. However, what makes Negri’s argument stand out is its
capacity to treat total subsumption politically without having to abandon
politics. For many, the totalisation of capital relations entails either an
abandonment of anti-capitalist politics in the face of their perceived
impotence and futility, or the celebration of this or that conciliatory
political project, often consisting in the reinvention of a public sphere or
the power of consumer choice.[482]
For Negri, on the contrary, totalisation of capitalism makes communism an
immanent historical possibility.[483] How can this be so?
The answer lies in the fact
that capital does not expand in spite of class struggle but as a direct
consequence of it. For Negri, each development in capital’s re-structuration is
a consequence of its need to contain class struggle. Capital’s laws are always
in crisis, because in essence they rely on an imposition of social power upon
subjects whose needs and desires always expose work, power and command as
exterior limitation.[484]
Capital does not reign supreme over labour as a transcendental force but is in
a continuous battle within society to allow for its valorisation, to stem the
crisis of the law of value.
Shifts in the capitalist
form of production and in the political form of the state in turn are premised
upon the struggle with the working class; the drive to exploitation and
technical development aim to negate both the subversive power of workers and
the struggle over wages, as well as the ideological conflict. The demise of
conventional union based struggles over wages, does not stem the fact that
productive subjects are continuously upsetting the operation of the law of
value, even if in today’s circumstances the contest over the free time of life
has a more individualistic basis. The talk show rhetoric of self-help is used in
justification of adverse behaviour, the politics of identity for special
dispensation, the growth in illnesses of abuse or discrimination all elements
of control that are turned around by people to use for their own interests.
Subversion is carried out on the terrain where power tries to establish itself,
power is only meaningful where there is counter- power. The techniques of power
can be reversed. These relations on a broader scale inform our perception of
class. The working class responds to the factory regime through political
homogenisation, through creating demands for equality of wage and right to
work, the creation of its body as unified form of subject, that capital in turn
tries to divide or undermine, by changing the nature of its productive forces
or their location or by creating hierarchies of power within the working class.[485]
The working class demands freedom and uses its collective power as a force to
gain real reductions in time at work, the growth of its purchasing power and
the increase in free time. (these are ever more present today, but have a much
more individualist basis to them - i.e., the worker will take a day or longer off
sick, fake a dental appointment, sabotage a computer system, set off a fire
alarm to gain freedom). The more individualised form of this resistance today
is to the degree of the socialisation of the form of production away from the
factory regime, and the corresponding degree of consciousness is reflected in
more narrow individual interests than collective ones. Challenges to the system
are political, but not conceived as determinate forms of political
transformation to a better society, but simply as self- interested distribution
of production. Crime, and fraud, theft of resources are rife and these are
minor but significant ways that the worker’s attempt at the improvement of the
quality of his life directly affects the functioning and profitability of
capital. Losing files, corrupting disks, setting off fire alarms, mislaying
keys, falsifying work time chits, lying about skills and experience, ripping
off property, turning up late, knocking off early, manipulating flexible
labour, and life-long education (training in order to get out of work).[486]
These new forms of disruption and resistance are figures of the increasing
importance of those elements previously marginalized by the political
centrality of the industrial working class, and it speaks of practices as
diverse as those of the Situationists and the Black Panthers.[487]
This can be linked directly
with refusal and its importance in the constitution of social relations and
contrasted with Habermas’s discussion of the theories of Mead wherein refusal
only produces new relations of association and communities. [488]
However, refusal is equally constitutive in its role of abandoning the site of
power, and in so doing escaping the dialectic of negativity by creating vacuums
of power and crises of legitimacy through its multiple lines of flight.
The priority of productive power as ontology of social practice
This complex is termed the
couplet ‘workers struggle /capitalist development’ and was the theoretical
product of, amongst others, Mario Tronti and the regulation school.[489]
Far from the burgeoning view of capital as an encroaching Leviathan or spirit
with a fatalist drive, Negri’s thought recovers the various resistances to this
encroachment and reverses the apparent omnipresence of capital. Rather than
innovative in and of itself, capitalist strategy is a response to political and
social collectivities that struggle against it, refuse it or abandon it through
migration. Capital dominates and recuperates because it needs to, as the
attempt at the rule of dead labour over the living, it is confronted by living,
feeling, hoping and despairing, needful and desiring subjects that it cannot
reduce to a predictable magnitude of profit. With this insistence on the
productive priority of labour, especially given its increasingly knowledge/
affect based character, what is elsewhere considered as the total colonisation
by capital, is revised to encompass the social power and resistances of the
many. In this view, it is not necessary to adopt the perspective of capital to
explain its expansion.[490]
When the schema workers struggle/
capitalist development is placed in comparison to the more fatalist view,
what emerges is a mutual process of development. That shows whatever power
drive is enacted in one case, is responded to in the other. Negri’s tendency is
to devalue the power of capital to the point of asserting the absolute priority
of productive power. This emphasis has been important to subverting the one
sided view, but in placing such an emphasis on labour Negri moves beyond a
central tenet of Marx’s thought that the wage-labour capital relation is
reciprocally determining as exhibited for instance in the pamphlet Wage Labour and Capital:
"…Capital
presupposes wage-labour and wage-labour presupposes capital. They mutually
condition one another; they mutually bring each other into existence."[491]
And yet Marx himself was
concerned to address the imbalance that on his account was an inherently
mystifying form of bourgeois social relations, namely that they themselves
create the myth that commodities, money, or industrial capital are the real
force of the productive process.[492]
Here Negri is close to Marx and there is a deep political connection too. Workers
produce wealth and reproduce society; this production is mediated by capital,
but the social aggregation and cooperation of workers pushes past the divisions
capitalist society engenders. A different social system is immanently present
and possible and it has as its basis the productive power of the working class.
Since Negri’s first
writings, the dialectic that places ontological primacy on the productive
labouring, desiring, self- generating but relational subject would have been
the challenge or alternative to modernity – this is ‘materialism’.[493]
Ever positioned in the view from below, and true to his own prescriptions of
viewing the political nexus of productive subjectivity, Negri’s work from the
1960s to today charts the unknown, lambasted and denied waters of this
subversive power of materialism.
In order to put Negri’s
insistence on the priority of productive power in some perspective we need to
investigate how the historical instantiations of the relations of production in
modern times can be characterised by treating the capital relation from below,
a method whose crucial operative concepts are class composition[494]
and the state form.
Three main periods of
capitalist re-structuration and class re-composition are outlined. Perhaps the
most familiar is the period of the mass worker, which coincides with the
Fordist/ Taylorist regime, preceded by the professional worker/artisan and
superseded by post-Fordism which tries to find its political resolution in
‘Empire’. Most of Marx’s analysis of labour and capital corresponds to the
period of the emergence of the mass worker.[495]
The struggles that unfold during this period cause the emergence of the figure
of the ‘social worker’ and equal the deconstruction of the category of the
‘mass worker’ - both theoretically and
within the social field so to speak. All this coincides with the 1960’s and the
coming to be of the living generation in the seat of power whose dreams and
nightmares we make our own.
Factory society
With factory society and the
emergence of the mass worker,[496]
the artificial separation between political and economic constitution loses its
effectiveness. No mediation is necessary; accumulation is its own discipline.
The state as the executive organ of capital represents the direct negation of
single capitalists, in favour of the class interests of capital. It embodies
the ‘political law of collective capital’. Capital becomes synonymous with the
general interest.
‘The
‘democracy of labour’ and ‘social democracy’ both reside here: they consist of
the hypothesis of a form of labour that negates itself as the working class and
autonomously manages itself within the structures of capitalist production as
labour-power. At this point capitalist social interest, which has already eliminated
the privatistic and egoistic expressions of single capitalists, attempts to
configure itself as a comprehensive, objective social interest.’
At the point where capital
is identified with the common interest of society, an inversion occurs in the
realm of social phenomenology wherein the labour nexus appears as the strength
of capital’s valorisation and the basis of society itself. [497]
This is reflected in the incorporation of the socialist principles like labour
being the source of all wealth – that Marx incidentally had already taken up in
the Critique of the Gotha Programme –
into principles with Bourgeois democratic constitutions.[498]
This notion is progressively deconstructed in the 1960’s and the following
years, when the factory regime is attacked across the West. Against the tyranny
of both Trade Unions and the Party, we witness the birth of autonomism and the
creation of resistance cultures that refuse the very ideology of social
democracy, organised labour and their motto: Arbeit macht frei.[499]
Work is a four- letter word
‘Ne Travaillez, jamais’[500]
As we have seen, the
dialectics of Das Kapital and much functionalist social theory theorised
alienated labour as an interiorisation into the control of capital. Parsons
gave a striking description of this idea when he argued that by entering into a
wage-labour contract the worker was showing a form of solidarity with his
employer. A different aspect of this was presented in the discussion of the
circulation and reproductive cycles in Volume I where Marx can reduce the
worker’s activity to variable capital, i.e. as a practice always analysed from
the point of view of its consummation in the production of value.[501]
Furthermore the liberal tradition in political theory models society on the
basis of a contract between prior and isolated individuals, which although
possibly based on coercion, can be ideally represented as a positive decision
towards association. Scientific orientation to this form of association that was
seen in the sociology of Simmel, Durkheim and Parsons and comes out of a notion
of society as a reproducing whole neglects what might be described as negative
association. The refusal of cooperation can be equally constitutive of social
relations as those that stem from either from an instrumental or value basis of
social solidarity. These types of refusal do not readily appear in sociological
accounts of its object.
There is a rich tradition of
thought and practice of refusal that stands opposed to these theories of the
measurable. Often constitution of political systems and of society is understood
only in its positive moment. Our argument is that the attempt at the refusal of
the totality, or indeed total refusal as in Dada and Situationist movements,
must be equally seen as constitutive forces in the formation of the nature of
social and political life. There is already a precedent to this view in the
Marcusian notion of the aesthetic as the Grand Refusal. However, the
development of anti-systemic movements and systematic refusal that proliferate
in the post-war period and reach their height in the late 60s and early 70s can
not be reduced to cultural protest and even in the case of Dada, Surrealism and
Situationism were directed to the re-appropriation of a unity from separated
existence. The figure of the multitude aptly captures the force of these
movements of refusal as much as attempts by authority to recuperate what Negri
calls its ‘absolute democratic’ potential into legitimacy for sovereign power.
And yet, because it shuns representation, the figures of refusal are difficult
to represent systematically, and often appear as dispersed, local and
insignificant movements that cannot appear foundational in any way to social
life.
Historically it is important
to show in this context, the link between the breakdown of class with the break
down of class identity.[502]
Far left and autonomist political movements develop in response to and refusal
of the factory form of work with powerful implications for all mediated forms
like Trade Unions wherein their aspirations are tied to the system. Often part
of Utopian currents, the politics of the refusal of work such as that expressed
in Bob Black’s Manifesto against Work, try to shatter the link between work and
social cooperation and propose to liberate desire from its series of political
mediations, whether money or neo-liberal ideology. In the work of Bataille
steeped in negation and developing out of Dada’s utter contempt for all that
exists, the nature of work as the trans-historical means of satisfying needs is
rewritten in order to demonstrate the intrinsic link between labour and the
inhibition of desire. In the context of the theory of capitalism as the
historical inversion of the pre-modern norm of unproductive consumption,
Bataille describes how work itself was a form that mediated between the
individual and collective social experience. Work is a force that represses the
drive to wild impulses to excess; it is full of promise but defers
gratification and involves a type of collectivity that by necessity creates
taboo.[503] What is
reduced in Hegel, Marx and Sartre to either logical necessity or social need in
the form of scarcity, is the contradiction between the worker’s need for work
and his desires beyond work. In the absence of the mythical unity of the
experience of the sacred an ethic of productive accumulation and expenditure
characterises capitalist society and critiques of it alike.
Following Tronti’s explicit
theorisation of workplace refusal as the refusal of formal forms of political
mediation, Negri and Hardt have increasingly emphasised the importance of
refusal to their overall theorisation of class composition. However they go
further than Tronti by recognising the diffusion of the struggle for creating a
‘class against capital’ into all areas of capitalist social life.[504]
Hardt regards the refusal of authority as essential to the constitution of
society.[505] But this
refusal of authority takes a multitude of forms none of which on their own seem
to amount to total refusal. For instance the Situationist experiments, such as détournement, described as the ‘praxis
of theory’ (theory being total critique) were refusals of authority,[506]
but given their own theory of the diffuse nature of spectacular society their
effect was of necessity partial and furthermore, it is important to note, later
recuperated into the very organisation of expression itself in all manner of
post-modern promotion in the industries of affect in capitalist society.
To elements of the labour
movement, liberalism and Stalinist Marxism refusal has been either actively
suppressed or ignored, because all at some point seek to harness the general
social productive power. Refusal is seen only as impotence before the totality
and rarely as the basis of innovation or new forms of combination.[507]
It is certainly in the latter sense that Hardt and Negri have begun to use
refusal, as well as in more Deleuzian themes of exodus and abandonment of the
site of power. However Nicholas Thoburn is right to point out that in the
theorisation of the immaterial economy, where production is directly the
production of a social relation and in Negri’s terms a potential site of
self-valorisation, the strategy of the refusal of work becomes complicated,
perhaps to the point of being untenable.[508]
However the transition from disciplinary society to control society opens up
new modalities and areas of exploitation that can only be refused by new
methods of agitation.
Society of control and immaterial labour
Whilst the factory society
corresponded to the Fordist mechanisms of labour exploitation, which attempted
to homogenise labour and break down the power of the professional worker,[509]
the society of control corresponds and is a response to the movement away from
the ‘productive labourer’ (as specifically theorised by Marx)[510]
as the essential substance of the alienated labour that produces value and
surplus value.[511]
When Negri and Hardt look at
bio-political production under post-Fordism, it is precisely at the point where
this process has reached its apex. Equipped with a general intelligence and
ability to solve problems and moreover with the moral capacity to know of and
create affect, the body of the labourer is no longer variable
dispensable capital but rather a form of fixed capital that must be set to work
on by the employer in order to maximise the value creating potential contained
therein.[512] The power
of discipline within the factory form was productive of subjectivities within
institutions: it had to be contained within a ‘place’. Control on the other
hand involves the harnessing of subjectivities that are not necessarily
produced within the space of power. In circumstances where the worker is
morally interiorised to capitalist command an internalised disciplinary function
is often the criterion for employment. Moreover, where production is complex at
the level of each abstract unit, the operators must equally act as the police.
This is the clearest consequence of control within information networks,
wherein the specialisation renders the traditional methods of policing
ineffective.
With this new regime of
labour the working class through the endeavour of its own agents collapses the
privileged sector of the Fordist worker and instantiates new forms of
subjectivities, a different class composition.
Negri is decisive about the periodisation in the movement towards the
social worker. The fact that he locates it in 1968 shows the persistent
political dimension of his thought about reality and the importance of the
event. The 1970’s marked a pretty bloody period in what were the staged battles
of this transition. Against the powerful labour force, the crisis state became
centralised as a constant reality. But what is more crucial perhaps is the
birth of struggles outside of the factory, which was reflected in the extension
of the state administration of discipline (now control) into directly managing
the production of subjectivity, whilst (and as a response to) subjects
resisting the reduction of themselves to their labour power.
‘The political composition of the proletariat
is social, as is also the territory where it resides; it is completely
abstract, immaterial, and intellectual, in terms of the substance of labour; it
is mobile and polyvalent in terms of its form.’ [513]
The idea of immaterial
labour comes to be theorised as a result of the changes in the quality of
labour brought about by what Hardt and Negri call the post-modernization/
informatization of the economy. The Italian tradition of Operaismo links the
notion of immaterial labour to the move from Fordist to lean production or
Toyotism (just-in-time production), where prior to being manufactured, a
product must be sold. The main requirement for the introduction of this model
is the establishment of a system of communication between production and
consumption, between factories and markets. The kind of immaterial labour
involved in the industry primarily entails the transmission of data, which
dictates that an increasing proportion of capital must be invested in the
increasing the power of communicative techniques, corresponding to the
increasingly cerebral nature of labour. Immaterial labour refers to two
different aspects of labour. As Lazzarato says:
‘As
regards the activity that produces the ‘cultural content’ of the commodity,
immaterial labour involves a series of activities that are not normally
recognised as ‘work’ - in other words, the kinds of activities involved in
defining and fixing cultural and artistic standards, fashions, tastes, consumer
norms, and more strategically, public opinion.’[514]
The idea that immaterial
labour directly produces the conditions of possibility for the capital
relation, (with material labour this was clandestine) changes the phenomenology
of capital and the substance of its social power. This is because immaterial
workers are primarily producers of subjectivity and only secondly producers of
capital. This third aspect of immaterial labour is what constitutes its
‘affective’ character. Affective labour is that ‘embedded in moments of human
interaction and communication’. It acts wherever human contact is required, it
is essentially involved with ‘producing social networks, forms of community and
bio-power. What is created in the networks of affective labour is a
form-of-life.’[515]
‘If production
today is directly the production of a social relation, then the ‘raw material’
of immaterial labour is subjectivity and the ‘ideological’ environment in which
subjectivity lives and reproduces. The production of subjectivity ceases to be
only an instrument of social control (for the production of mercantile
relationships) and becomes directly productive, because the goal of our
post-industrial society is to construct the consumer/communicator -and to
construct it as ‘active’. Immaterial workers (those who work in advertising,
fashion, marketing, television, cybernetics, and so forth) satisfy a demand by
the consumer and at the same time establish that demand.’ [516]
Affective labour ends the
dominating tendency in the measure of value that was only appropriate to the
time when labour was outside of capital and needed to be reduced to labour
power.[517]This is
where bio-political production is directly involved with the production of
social relations, and where it becomes coextensive with social reproduction. ‘Empire’ is the process representing the
totalisation of the corresponding command over this form: since concrete work
is different in Empire, mechanisms of social control are interiorised and
reproduced within subjectivities. The bio-political notions of life and body
are determined in the political constitution and in the real daily affirmations
of social subjectivity.
Potestas and constituted power
Total subsumption is not
simply the economic triumph of capitalism; its conditions are equally the demise
of the political agency of class- based approaches to systemic social change.
However the increasing redundancy of working class politics can not be
represented as simply a triumph over labour, it is also theorised as having
broken down from within working class organisation. That is to say the
struggles against the factory form of work forced a transformation in the form
of work, the nature of capitals and the forms of state.
Under total subsumption,
understood as a colonisation of the inside and outside by global capital, it is
impossible – even analytically - to detach economic and political power. A
critique of power must entail a critique of labour. So the significance and
determination of the total subsumption of society also resides in the de-actualisation
of the conventionalised form of political space – here the nation state as the
locus of democratic power. Total subsumption is a political moment through and
through. It develops out of the generalisation of the factory regime of
command, (which has the social state using the capitalist reformist integration
of the official labour movement, and thus changes the nature of the particular
exercise of that command) transforming the state function.
Here lies the end of the myth
of the liberal autonomy of the political, or the separation of the public from
the private, wherein the individual regarded the public as his outside. In this
conception, “the outside is the place proper to politics, where the action of
the individual is exposed in the presence of others and there seeks
recognition.” [518]In
explaining this post-modern abandonment of the private/ public distinction -
characterised by the deficit of the 'political,’ Debord is the explicit point
of reference.[519] The public
sphere proper evaporates as:
”The spectacle
destroys any collective form of sociality - individualizing social actors in
their separate automobiles and in front of separate video-screens - and at the
same time imposes a new mass sociality, a new uniformity of action and
thought.”[520]
When
all aspects of life are subsumed by capital, all forms of action become
immediately meaningful to the reproduction of that society - they are all
socially productive.[521]
Historically, the 'autonomy of the political' satisfied the need to fill in the
gap left by the ‘demise of class politics’. Paradoxically, when the private sphere is
ideologically destroyed, or is fully socialised (subsumed), the reactionary
political elements in reformism repose the issue as one of recreation of the
public sphere as the political arena.
In the present, the idea of the autonomy of the political could only be
some form of liberalism; it could only function in the parameters as outlined
in Marx's critique of Hegel's philosophy of the state i.e. the separation of
decisions about the community from our existence as productive agents.
Liberalism, however, does not sever the political from interest; in fact it continues
to reorganise it according to private individual interests. The discourse on
power becomes the balance between individual right and duty (the latter only a
modern incarnation of the latter). Social movements that claim to be
communitarian[522] need to
present their programs in terms of an ethical life and limitations to
individual self-pursuit. They propose politics as a narrowing activity
(anti-globalisation=pro democracy), and undermine universality in the guise of
impartiality and neutrality of the state by demanding a special treatment on
the basis of identity, through a demand for a ‘defensive’ democracy of state
regulation.[523] This is
also paradigmatic of a reinvigoration of the legitimacy of the sovereignty of a
crisis state.
Through immanent criticism,
Negri takes this a stage further. The analysis of production in terms of social
cooperation re-politicises the politics of interest in non individualist terms
whilst purifying it of its moralist tendencies, whilst also refusing to reduce
battles over interest to matters of identity politics, no matter how much
agents describe their own actions in these terms. We recognise that the
relations of social movements to the state are ambiguous.[524]
Whilst they provide an opportunity for the state to repose itself as arbitrator
in neutral terms, they also look for institutional recognition, which is
potestas in operation within a liberal context. That is why Negri’s insistence
on reposing labour politics in non-identity terms is crucial, together with his
emphasis on production and the corresponding recognition that the production of
subjectivities and identities occurs fully under the generalised form of
command appropriate to capital. In so far as these movements are political in a
subversive-transformative sense, they are absolutely embedded within the social
determinations of their subjectivities.
Jameson from a cultural political
perspective looks at the same process as the formation of new identities made
possible by the failure of universalising force of class and the demise of its
institutional and organisational forms. Yet that the ‘great explosions of the
60’s have led, in the worldwide economic crisis, to powerful restorations of
the social order and a renewal of the repressive power of the various state
apparatuses’ is treated almost as an incidental appendage to the process of the
interiorisation of the outside.[525] Moreover, the ‘sense of freedom and
possibility – which is for the course of the 60’s a momentarily objective
reality, as well as (from the hindsight of the 80’s) a historical illusion’ is
restricted admittedly with the cynicism of the dark ages of the 80’s, in terms
of the ‘superstructural movement and play enabled by the transition from one
infrastructural or systemic stage of capitalism to another.’[526]Jameson
does analyse total subsumption in terms of a new configuration of the
mechanisms of containment that issue from newly unleashed subjectivities. Negri
has it thus:
"Today the
working class has all but disappeared from view. It has not ceased to exist,
but it has been displaced from its privileged position in capitalist economy
and its hegemonic position in the class composition of the proletariat. The
proletariat is not what it used to be but that does not mean it has
vanished." [527]
The displacement of the
industrial working class occurs through the neutralisation of its productive
role in the attempt by capital to sever its dependence on the agency of labour.
The category of the proletariat is expanded to contain the whole class of
people who internally sustain capitalist relations of production and are
subject to its discipline. This is in no sense an abandonment of anti-systemic
struggle, steeped as it is in total refusal. Negri’s critique of power
constantly displaces its points of attack. Power is never presented solely from
the perspective of a limitation because limitations produce differential responses
and as such presuppose a potential capacity that the limitation is exterior to.
The form of domination of constituted power is always contextualized in the
possibilities of resistance and creation that it opens up and never reduced to
the mask that power itself wears. The formal exercise of Power, or potestas, is
only ever set in motion in response to the creative energy it tries to contain.
The radical immateriality of
post-Fordist labour creates Empire in response to its lines of flight, exodus
and refusal, the sensuous movement, miscegenation and diversification of the
productive subject. Capital in its bloodthirsty expansion, its cooption of the
outside, falls prey to its greatest adversary yet: the multitude, the living
breathing mass, which it would destroy itself to conquer.[528]
At the level of labour, the productive subject that constitutes the political
form of Empire has social cooperation as its absolute basis. Networks of
information and communication form the marrow of every element in the synthesised
and globalised productive space. Immaterial labour and affective labour are the
basis for the collapse of mediation: justification becomes an immanent affair.[529]
The myth of a realm of public space as negotiating ground finally decomposes.[530]
The social state in its traditional guise sweats under the burden of the
management of differentiating subjectivities to the point of dehydration.[531]
Participative management is a technology of power, a technology for creating
and controlling the subjective processes.’[532]
But productive cooperation is at once indispensable and destabilising for
post-Fordist production.
Under Empire the object of
power becomes life itself, which is why for Negri politics is ontological.
Empire has no centre, and represents more a network of power relations governed
by a mixed constitution. The thesis of Empire
describes an order where the nation state is increasingly ineffective as a
means for the ordering of subjectivities and Empire points to a trans-national
and abstract order of political right and force which has no centre and
functions through networks even though certain of its elements have a
privileged position of power in certain domains. Capital becomes indifferent to
state power.
Empire is hierarchical and
one of the privileged sectors is of course the USA, but at the bottom end of
its operation, at its ‘capillary points’ lie institutions like NGOs that
displace the traditional power of the nation state.[533]
The Negrian theorisation of power, that draws on Spinoza’s metaphysics as much
as his politics for its critique of transcendental and hierarchical models of
sovereignty and authority, develops the decentred yet dynamic idea that sees
expression/ productive activity as cause, as self determination, confronting
the external limitations or attempts to govern it. Yet it is paradoxically only
by positing the complete totalisation of the capitalist relation, that it can
present the new divisions of labour and systems of social control as
differentiated singularities that are not reducible to a sovereign totality
governing reality. Where life itself is the object of power, the contestation
over the everyday and over all forms of mediation; party, state, union, class
become part and parcel of life itself. At the point of a total interiority of a
relation, totality as a horizon and a structure can no longer direct itself to
a centre of established power. In such circumstances the drive to totality
turns into a drive of exteriority, to combination to difference within the
interior. Identity has no place here because the universal is not a
transcendental horizon; universals only exist as abstractions from or
impositions on the lived experience of subjectivity.
Abstractions of right, alienation and representation
In the classical conception,
sovereignty is established through an alienation of an original right. In
Hobbes’s thought the sovereign must be absolute as must be the act of
transferring right. In this notion, the sovereign has therefore right grounded
in natural law. In Hegel’s conception, as in Spinoza’s, political right is not
alienated to the state, and right is beyond the monarchical sovereignties in
the sense that divine authority is placed not above but alongside individual practical
actions of citizens who participate in the state. It is this idea of the
embodiment of political will as unitary subjectivity that marks the similarity
of Hegel with the young Marx.[534]
Indeed both admire Rousseau. But rather than critiquing this notion itself in
Hegel, Marx simply displaces it on to a material horizon. In so doing however
an opening was made for non-liberal critiques of totalitarianism. In societies
organised on the alienation of private labour power, political emancipation
requires emancipation from private property:
“Only when real,
individual man resumes the abstract citizen into himself and as an individual
man has become a species being in his empirical life, his individual work and
his individual relationships, only when man has recognised and organised his forces propres [Rousseau] so that social
force is no longer separated from him in the form of political force, only then
will human emancipation be completed.”[535]
In these early writings on
the question of political emancipation, the Jewish Question and Hegel’s theory
of the state, the critique is of the alienation of species being. Although this
is imagined as a step forward in history, rather than a return to a natural and
harmonious state, the imagination is informed by a kind of reconciliation of a
division between people that had the potential to organise social life without
the mediation of private labour for money. The idea of the alienation of a species-being
is thoroughly utopian because it is an alienation from a future potential
social unity; one that is perceived as already existing yet in a distorted or
un-realised form. In the post-humanist discourse of the social such a claim is
problematic and an increasingly undesirable way of thinking about social
reality.
The specific difficulties of
upholding the idea of alienation within social thought lie in the constraints
of Hegelian negativity as well as a utopian notion of authenticity. Above all a
dialectical notion, and thus arguably trapped on the track of a certain form of
contradiction, alienation is an untenable notion because it results in a
description of aspects of social reality as not being what they were,
actually are, or could potentially be. Or to place the matter more
succinctly it makes the ontological claim that; being is what it is not.
The recuperation of identity
in the totality of command forces a re-territorialisation of subjectivity into
a becoming different and a constitution. The process of separation can no
longer be seen as either a division or as alienation – a return to species
being would only be a fictitious harmony, and an illusionary unity. Here the
Utopian impulse, the proper impulse to thinking of how things might be, gets
read as the ground and the cause of the process of its diremption. By taking a
de-centred subjectivity as the starting point to thinking through the totality,
it grounds the totality in its dividedness, as an actuality where separation
has been already effected. This challenges the nostalgic impulse in humanism
and present in the early Marx to the reclamation of something denied that in
fact was never possessed. It does not seem to be possible from a materialist
point of view to uphold the claims of alienation alongside historical change.
The notion would require that despite separation some inner element had continued
to remain the same, unaffected by its division and ready to spring back into
its proper space. No longer can separation be understood as a loss. Separated
being is no longer the result, but the established precondition of social
being.
The criticisms of the 1960s
like Debord’s and Marcuse clearly recognised that the discourse of alienation
needed to be revisited. However they did so by totalising the issue to the
point where alienation became the condition of our being. Moreover in Marcuse,
the force of alienation becomes that we identity with the force of alienation.
“…the concept of
alienation seems to become questionable when the individuals identify
themselves with the existence that is imposed upon them and have it in their
own development and satisfaction. This
identification is not illusion but reality.”[536]
Arguably what is questionable
in this explanation is that it is a reduced to a question of identification
rather than a practice of reproduction. This is certainly present in the views
of Laclau and Mouffe with whom swords have already been crossed. This theory
takes representations as the substance. This produces some peculiar results. What
these authors have done in place of an actual interrogation of politics of
emancipation is to take one representative form of that relationship – class as
privileged agent of emancipation – and deconstruct that representation as a
stand in for the actual material relationships of power in society. From claiming
that no single group can maintain that it occupies a central place within
social life, the analysis jumps to the claim that antagonism is the fundamental
constitutive feature of social and political life and that it will never be
fully reconciled. In this context, the only possible view of the political is
as a structure of limitation and regulation, modelled as it is on the
maintenance of the need – in disingenuous democratic guise - for the
representation of social conflict at the level of the political. It is an act
of containment that does privilege one actor and re-legitimizes it – the actor
of the sovereign ‘democratic’ state. Although there are superficial
similarities between Laclau and Mouffe’s opinion that;
“The democratic society cannot be conceived
any more as a society that would have realized the dream of a perfect harmony
or transparency. Its democratic character can only be given by the fact that no
limited social actor can attribute to herself the representation of the
totality and claim in that way to have the 'mastery’ of the foundation”[537]
with the broad
tradition of aleatory materialism outlined here, the critical difference lies
in that this neutralises activity that is anti-state and anti-capitalist from
anything but a formal role in political representation. In truth, as Mouffe’s
sympathies for the theory of Carl Schmitt demonstrates, this is a political
theory of legitimation of the techniques and outlook of power-over rather than
power too. By making antagonism ontological it reduces the possibility of a politics
of combination against agonism. Indeed, far from questioning the role of the
state in upholding capitalist principles of accumulation, Mouffe seeks to give
it a natural justification. In fact it could be said that by claiming that
there “can never be total emancipation but only partial ones” she is in fact making
an argument for forgetting altogether the connection between conflict and capitalist
social relations.
The afterbirth of Schmitt
Schmitt’s political theory
was founded on the idea of exception (Ausnahmezustand)
from where he launched an attack on liberalism. According to Schmitt unforeseen
and sudden situations in the political render unstable any system built on
pre-planned responses and fixed legal codes. The political rests on a
fundamental contingency and basic conflict hence it cannot adopt a priori rules of procedure. Liberalism
disregards this inherent contingency and does not account for exception in its
construal of rules.
The direction all this leads,
and the reason why Schmitt has been taken so seriously by political theory, is
to the theorisation of the crisis and state of emergency as not exceptional
moments in political life opposed to some stable normalcy, but themselves the
predominant form of the life of modern nations. Thus emergency powers and so on
have increasingly become the normal operation of the state. In respect to
Sovereignty, it is “precisely the exception that makes relevant the subject of
sovereignty, that is, the whole question of sovereignty”. In fact it is
exception, tied to war, tied to the political that is the fundamental category
of Schmitt’s work, yet it is never defined as such, as it always has the
character of being beyond the law, it is thus referred to as danger, or
‘extreme peril’ in fact, perhaps anything that confronts, undermines and
destroys the rule. But it differs slightly from emergency which provokes the
necessity of immediate responses to unforeseen events, because ‘emergency’
still relates to an idea of normalcy (and to state attempts to return to the
normal) that is essentially what the later work of Schmitt seeks to undermine.
The classical treatment of
states of emergency and of exception recognise the power of the sovereign or
supreme leader to suspend certain aspects of the legal order. However the
sovereign has no power to reverse or fundamentally change that order, and
emergencies have a duration after which normality is returned to.[538]
This follows the model of the Roman dictator as read by Machiavelli and
Rousseau, as well as being found in the work of Locke wherein the ‘prerogative
power’ can act against the law at the discretion of the public good. In the
work Political Theology, Schmitt questions and dramatically revises this
earlier paradigm, which he accepted for instance in The Dictatorship:
the exception becomes the rule and the normalcy becomes an empty and
meaningless point of reference. This destruction of normality retains one
principle element, that is the authority of the sovereign power (though this
Schmitt tries to give a transcendental/ theological authority). Schmitt seeks
to legitimate the increase of the sovereign power, to not only temporally
suspend the constitution for the public good, but to actively revise or
fundamentally change the rules of constitutional authority – the sovereign both
defines what is the exception and defines what is the adequate response to it.
In this case, law which was itself the normal basis of sovereign authority, is
also subverted by the total power of the absolutist state. In these
circumstances what served initially as the foundation of sovereign power must
be modified and cannot be returned to. The basis of sovereignty has become the
power to determine the exception. The crisis of sovereign authority is offset
by making authority sovereign.
Chantal Mouffe takes the worst elements from Schmitt,
she shares his fear for the crisis of sovereign authority and she deepens his
explanation of it, by generalising the most pessimistic of Hobbesian nightmares
to the description of the social itself. The displacement of the aesthetic
identities sought in the struggle of class did not weather well on Mouffe’s
theory as far as the attack on all essentialisms quickly began to exhibit the
scars of a more profound essentialism, such as friend and enemy, which do
little to escape the simple relation of identity and non-identity through
negation.
Schmitt’s idea of permanent
exception ought to be used against his results, i.e. against the idea of a
separated sovereign authority and against the continual attempt to recuperate its
separation. However, rather than challenging the separation of the political,
Chantal Mouffe seeks to resurrect it in the shape of a public display of ones identity
wherein, just as in the regime of capitalism, a social Darwinism can work
itself out in a display of democratic participation whereby so long as it can
find a means of representing itself, every practice efficacious to the
re-establishment of lost sovereign authority is given voice.
This can be put clearer into
focus by Mouffe’s comments on the 'challenge' Schmitt poses to liberal
democracy. By stating that Schmitt is an adversary who must be dealt with,
Mouffe places herself fully in the liberal camp;
"the
strategy is definitely not to read Schmitt to attack liberal democracy, but to
ask how it could be improved. To think both with and against Schmitt- this is
the thrust of our common endeavour."[539]
Mouffe's apologetics, her
thinking 'with’ Schmitt, is a whole-scale appropriation of the characteristic
conflict ridden and atomistic ontology of politics along with the insistence on
the enduring specificity of the political and its status as constituted
democratic power through representation. Her thinking against Schmitt lies in
the belief that liberal democracy can overcome its drive to the state of
exception and that the organised body of the people need not find its ultimate
resolution in the total state. Specifically, this theoretical move posits
'agonism' over 'antagonism'. Agonism represents the plural constituted
consensus driven by conflict over goals but shared belief in the efficacy of
the system....'conflictual pluralism.' So what Mouffe would like to make us
believe is that her interest in Schmitt is to 'rethink liberal democracy with a
view to strengthening its institutions', which we will grant her in adversity,
the more insidious and astonishing element of her rapprochement with one of the
most prominent supporters of Nazi Germany, is her appropriation of its view of
human nature and the political as inherently and essentially areas of conflict.
For all her critiques of essentialism, this is little more than the classic
liberal justification for the state, the same ontology that provokes the
fascist demands for the total state. Rather than escape this formulation of the
political, Mouffe assiduously affirms it. No critic of Schmitt, she is
continuously arriving at his house through the back door.
The tradition based upon
political consent from Locke up to Rawls represents the liberal belief that
atomistic individuals consent to a democratic authority that can assure,
negatively, that one individual’s desire cannot limit another’s. It is
instructive that Rawls too develops his theory on the basis of an assumption of
inequality and merely tries to develop a neo-Kantian form of contract based
upon what its adherents ought to do. Classical social contract theory created
the myth of legitimacy through a fiction of the transferral of right. Today
however as the effects of the state are already present in both system and life
world a force, there is no need to make the pretence of an abstract agreement,
in fact in the concept of the multitude there is the formulation of a political
subjectivity that reverses this scheme of false representation of the
legitimacy of the state. The multitude is the figure of those that choose to
deny potestas and to refrain from
deferring their consent. Whereas the tendency in Hardt and Negri is to see the
multitude only in its political demand for democracy and not so much in respect
to how it subverts it, there is what will be argued in the conclusion a dark
side of the multitude that potentially refuses any cooption.
From Class to Multitude and the end of representation
The space of the multitude is
that opened up by the breakdown of traditional forms of political solidarity,
predominantly those constructed upon class lines. In the eyes of those
developing this concept, it reflects however a return in a sense to the ground
on which class politics was initially constituted – that is to say the
material, constitutive power of people – both in the (re) production of life
itself and in the reactive form of political authority.[540]
These themes should now be familiar in the broader project of aleatory
materialism. The ‘ontological’ element of the multitude that Hardt talks of as
the basis of society breaks with the Schmitt- Mouffe axis of the friend/ enemy
distinction. In the right hands such an analysis could demonstrate that the
friend/enemy dualism are reducible to the same horrific identity of political
authority. They are conceptualisations that arise out of the mentality of
trying to prevent the crisis of the legitimacy of the sovereign totality.
It is crucial to show that
the multitude is a refusing-constituting being that, as an ‘ensemble of acting
minorities,’ might appear as similar to Mouffe’s radical democratic subjects,
is in fact conceived of, at least by its modern theorists, as subjectivities
that do not demand the totality in terms of holding political authority over
the whole of society, but rather seek to act as part of it. For this reason, as
much as it is used to describe a new form of political agency, the multitude is
in fact most fruitful as a sociology of the political, because its orientation
is towards seeing how people act in relation to the social system itself.
Resnick and Wolfe try to qualify or supposedly extend the analysis in Empire with their conceptions of Marx’s class analysis based around the categories of productive and unproductive worker. Their summary of Marx’s position is as follows: ‘productive workers were those who actually produced the surplus while the unproductive workers provided the conditions of existence for the appropriation of the surplus.”